For thirty years, the hope of a leader-Eritreans has been shattered

Eritrea, once known as part of a new generation of African leaders, has been in power for 32 years and has long violated expectations.

Isaias Afwerki now spends most of his time on his country house, a dusty hillside about 20 kilometers (12 miles) from the capital Asmara.

The cabinet has not met since 2018, and all power has flowed through him, like a powerful man who received a series of local officials and foreign VIPs in his retreat.

This is also a futile magnet for ordinary Eritreans, and Isaiahs might help them solve the problem.

The 79-year-old has never faced elections in his thirty years in power, and there is little sign that this will change soon.

But in the 1990s, things looked very different.

Isaiahs was 45 years old and, as the leader of the rebels, defeated Ethiopia in 1991 by his Eritrea People's Liberation Front (EPLF). Every year on Martyrs' Day on June 20, those who fight in the war will be remembered.

A tall and charming person, he inspired hope at home and abroad.

In 1993, after formal independence, Isaiahs first appeared on the international stage.

It was in Cairo that he attended the mainland leaders’ summit, where he criticized the older African leaders for “wanting to remain in power for decades.”

He vowed that Eritrea would never repeat the same old-fashioned approach to failure and promised to establish a democratic order that supports the social and economic development of its people. His position won the joy of his Eritreans and diplomats.

Isaiah rode the joy of the early days of independence and enjoyed the international reception of lasers in search of a closer relationship with the West.

In 1995, U.S. President Bill Clinton praised the country's strong start on the road to democracy after inviting Eritrea leaders to join the Oval Office.

Eritrea has just begun drafting a new constitution that is expected to establish a rule of law and democracy.

Before the constitutional government was elected, Isaac should be the “transitional president.” In May 1997, the Constitutional Assembly approved the new constitution.

But just as Eritreans and the world expect a national election in 1998, war between Eritrea and neighboring Ethiopia broke out with controversial borders.

Isaiahs was accused of postponing elections indefinitely on the grounds of war.

He had promised a multi-party democracy and tested it after a peace agreement reached in 2000.

Several of his cabinet ministers, including former close friends and armed comrades, began calling for reform.

In an open letter released in March 2001, a group of senior government officials, who later called the G-15, accused the president of abuse of his power and becoming increasingly authoritarian. They called for the implementation of the constitution and national elections.

Eritreans tasted some freedom from the mid-1990s, and emerging newspapers had critical voices (including from within the ruling party) that were renamed the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ).

The Transitional National Assembly decides when to hold elections, an election committee is being established, and the proposed party law is under debate.

The country appears to be heading towards a slow path to democratization.

But this fragile opening suddenly closed in September 2001, while the world's attention was focused on the 9/11 attacks in the United States.

On one morning, the authorities shut down all independent newspapers, effectively silencing the key voices. Many editors and journalists were detained and never seen again.

Meanwhile, the government arrested 11 of the G-15s, including three former foreign ministers, chief of staff of the armed forces and several members of the National Assembly. They have never been seen or heard since then.

The hopes of many Eritreans were shattered.

But Isaiahs has escaped the transformation that introduced democratic change.

He said in April 2001: “I have never been to a political party.”

“I have no intention of participating in a political party right now, and I have no intention of participating in a political party in the future.”

He also described the democratic process as “chaotic” and called the PFDJ “not a political party. It's a country.”

For many, it is clear that the president does not allow democratic reforms to be implemented.

The silence and failure of the critics to hold elections have won him and his rural untouchable status.

But his supporters say he is an unfair goal of Western countries and calls him a symbol of national liberation.

In 2002, he informally disbanded the Transitional Conference aimed at putting him in charge, and actually did the same to the cabinet in 2018.

Now, some elderly ministers without real authority are now leading weak government agencies, and several ministries, including defense, still exist without ministers.

Many people wonder why independent heroes are so suppressed.

Former regional governor and senior ambassador Abdella Adem said Isaiahs never believed in democracy and had been addicted to power. Abdullah, who now lives in London, said he led the EPLF with an iron fist before even independence.

“He systematically weakened the leader and challenged his authority with certificates of public legitimacy and struggle.”

Surprisingly, in May 2014, Isaiahs announced plans for a new constitution, which later said the 1997-approved constitution was dead. But since then, no progress has been made.

The proposal to write a new constitution may have been triggered by a coup attempted by senior military officers in 2013.

They brought tanks into the capital and seized control of state television and radio stations.

Realizing that this attempt was a failure, they tried to play a call for the implementation of the 1997 Constitution and the release of political prisoners. But the security forces pulled the plug center line.

Many officials – including the Minister of Mines, Governor, Diplomat and General – were detained. The leader of the coup committed suicide to avoid arrest.

Former diplomat Zeraslasie Shiker left his post in Nigeria and sought asylum in the UK. His boss, Ambassador, Ali Omeru, was a veteran of the War of Independence and was later detained and kept unknown.

Mr Zeraslasie, now a PhD candidate at the University of Leeds in the UK, said that locking people into government locks “like Isaiahs Afwelki” does not allow for real political and social institutions or the rule of law.

“In this case, it is necessary to understand the indefinite suspension of the Eritrea constitution and the collapse of government agencies into the presidential office.”

Isaiah was isolated internationally, and Isaiah retreated to the global stage. He stopped participating in summits such as the United Nations General Assembly and the African Union Conference.

According to a World Bank assessment last year, the country's economy is “struggling”.

“Economic activity is subject to underdeveloped infrastructure, limited competition due to national advantages and strict import controls,” the author said.

Isaias himself admitted the problem in an interview with state television last December.

“The survival economy will have nowhere to drive us. At the moment, we are not at a better position than many other African countries in this regard,” he said.

Isaac also rejected humanitarian aid on the grounds that fear of dependence would undermine his principle of “self-reliance”.

For many Eritreans, especially young people trapped in indefinite national services, daily life is a nightmare, as the authorities prove this due to a series of conflicts and tensions with their neighbors. Under repressive regimes, they face a future without hope or freedom.

Fantasy due to lack of political progress and exhausted by forced recruitment and state violence, many risk their lives to escape freedom.

Over the past two decades, thousands have fled the deserts and oceans in search of safe havens. Currently, Eritreans are the third largest nationality in Britain to acquire refugee status.

In his Independence Day speech last month, Isaac did not suggest any changes many Eritreas would like to see. There is no mention of the Constitution, national elections or release of political prisoners.

At the same time, there is no plan to reverse the dying economy of the entire country.

Despite being criticized at home, President Isaiah retained support from a portion of the population, especially among the military, the ruling party network and those who see him as a symbol of national independence and resistance to foreign intervention.

The president also received strong support among some of the diaspora, who believed that the Western powers were seeking to undermine the hard-win independence of Eritrea.

With the frustration of Eritrea, Isaac retreated from Asmara to his home in 2014, overlooking the Adi Hallo dam, where he closely oversees his construction.

As Isaias approaches 80, many people are worried about what will happen next.

It was reported that at the 2018 cabinet meeting, it was obvious that it was attempted to succeed for his eldest son because no further meetings were held.

However, there is no obvious succession plan or credible opposition in the country who can replace the current regime, so it is hard to imagine a future without Isaiah.

Mr Zeraslasie warned: “The Presidential Office is what caused the country to collapse.”

During this Easter holiday, Isaiah was seen kissing a cross during the mass of the church in Asmara. Some believe he is seeking spiritual salvation, others hope he can release the political prisoner.

Yet for the time being, Isaiahs remain firmly in control, while the Eritreans continue their desire for change.

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